Rusguniae

Rusguniae is an ancient archaeological site, located in the commune of El Marsa, in the wilaya of Alger, in Algeria.

Rusguniae is located in the northeast of the Bay of Algiers, opposite the city of Algiers, the ancient Icosium. The site is situated between the current Tamentfoust (formerly Laperouse) and Bordj-El-Bahri (“Cap Matifou”, although distinct from the eponymous cape that closes the Bay of Algiers to the east). Rusguniae was established along the shoreline. Today, practically no visible remains exist, due to the plundering of most ancient constructions and urban development that has covered the site, as well as the surrounding region.

Due to the rapid urbanization of recent decades, which has completely altered the natural landscape of the region, it is better to rely on the description provided by Berbrugger at the beginning of French colonization to better understand the geography of the region in its historical context. The Bay of Algiers and the Gulf of Bengüt, where Rusguniae is located, can be generally described as two semicircles touching at the maritime cape of Matifou, delimiting a well-defined territory. The nature, largely preserved in the early 19th century, seemed to isolate this region from surrounding areas. Only the Haraouas tribe (which gave its name to the eponymous city) resided there, exploiting the lands between the hills and the Mediterranean.

Gsell, at the beginning of the 20th century, records in his “Atlas archéologique de l’Algérie” (AAA) the archaeological traces known at his time. Among these, there is a marble statue of a woman near the abutments of a bridge over the Hamiz, as well as a bridge located on the Bouira, a tributary of the latter. Gsell reports, in what seems to be the current Ain el Beida (Zerzouria) a few kilometers from Rusguniae, a network of ancient canals, remains of constructions, and a quarry, considered Roman by Berbrugger. Only the quarry, identified as Maherzat, still exists today.

Further east, Gsell mentions at Djezair el Kodra (only the current Ain-Chorb, formerly Surcouf, east of Ain-Taya could correspond), an ancient islet now connected to the land by sand accumulation, where Berbrugger identified “rather extensive Roman ruins”, of which no trace remains either on the ground or in the literature. Near a source, Ain-Chorb or H’rob (translated as a doubtful “Wood and flee”), ancient remains were reported. Other ruins of lesser importance were identified at Réghaïa as well as the remains of a Roman camp on the Oued Boudaou . Further west, near the mouth of the Oued-el-Harrach, Gsell discusses the possibility of ruins of the city of Saça, although these have not yet been found . Finally, one kilometer from Maison-Carrée (now El-Harrach), a Libyan inscription was recorded , testifying to the ancient history of the region.

Since ancient times, the region has been inhabited, with reported discoveries of Mousterian and Neolithic artifacts at the cliffs of Cap Matifou .

Rusguniae, located in the northeast of the Bay of Algiers and housing the Punic base of Tamentfoust, derives its name from the expression “Cap du Francolin”. Berbrugger proposes that the name originates from a Berber word Latinized by the Romans, evoking the “cap of Sleep” or “cap of the sleepers”, in reference to a local interpretation of the very popular theme of the Seven Sleepers of Ephesus. Mouloud Mammeri suggests that Rusguniae is composed of two roots: one, rus Phoenician (the cap), and the other, agouni Berber (the cliff). According to another interpretation , Rusguniae is a toponym combining “Rus” for cap in Phoenician and “Guniae”, probably the Gunian of Yaggounen Berber .

Salama recalls that Rusguniae existed already at the end of the 4th century BC, while the foundation of Icosium cannot be dated earlier than the 2nd century BC. The process of Roman colonization at Rusguniae seems to indicate a competition, with continental rather than maritime interests. The Bay of Algiers offers access to the Mitidja plain and the Chelif valley, more easily accessible from Rusguniae than from Icosium. This, combined with the probably more important status of Icosium, may have led to the choice of Rusguniae for Roman settlement, thus avoiding direct competition.

Lancel lists Rusginiae among the Phoenician trading posts that “are spaced quite regularly every 30 or 40 km” along the Algerian coastline. It constituted one of the essential relay points for coastal shipping along the northern maritime facade of ancient Maghreb. The maritime empire of Carthage left no ruins. Salama emphasizes, however, “the exceptional abundance of mixed amphora fragments, dated between the 2nd century BC and the 7th century AD, proving[ing] a significant and continuous frequentation of the coastal site” . Moreover, about 100 Punic and Neo-Punic steles have been discovered in the region .

At the end of the civil wars of the late Republic, and due to an interregnum in the Mauritanian kingdom, Augustus methodically chose a certain number of coastal and sub-coastal positions to establish colonies of veterans, bases for future annexation of the territory. The colonization of Rusguniae by the legion IX Gemella preceded the year 27 AD. . The list of these colonies, already formulated in the documentation of Pliny the Elder , is easily verified thanks to epigraphic documents (see below).

Rusguniae retained a certain administrative autonomy in relation to the Mauritanian Kingdom until its annexation in 40 AD, . before integrating into the province of Caesarea . The Itinerary of Antoninus, dating from the end of the 2nd century, places it normally on the coastal road, with milestones testifying to permanent maintenance , as well as a mountain road leading to the region of Auzia accessible from the city.

The inhabitants of Rusguniae, descendants of Augustus’s veterans, were registered in the tribe Quirina. The institutions revealed the presence of decurions, aediles, duovirs, and duovirs quinquennales . Some citizens were also important figures, as evidenced by the history of L. Decius Honoratus, a decurion in the cities of Rusguniae and Tigava, who aided the population of Rusguniae during a famine in the year 164 .

For this first period of the city’s history, ceramic discoveries indicate abundant imports of Campanian pottery, from Arezzo, then from La Graufesenque, followed in the 2nd and 3rd centuries by African sigillata . The underwater discoveries of the same period are even more impressive . The maritime relations of Rusguniae with the entire Western Mediterranean are highlighted: the importation of Italian wines began in the 2nd-1st centuries BC, followed by that of garum and oil from Spain in the first and second centuries, then the same products from all the shores of the Proconsular. It should be noted that, although Rusguniae was only a developed anchorage and not a true constructed port, this did not affect local maritime activity .

Unfortunately, the city also faced difficult periods. Although the territorial extent of the “Moorish war” under Antoninus Pius remains undetermined, the indigenous revolt of the mid-3rd century, known as the “Insurrection of 253”, also profoundly disrupted the Rusguniae area. Epigraphic and numismatic data now allow for a better understanding of the theater of operations. The treasure of sesterces discovered in 1943 in the sandpit of Cap Matifou (see below), probably from a Roman villa located less than two miles west of the city , testifies to a near-general panic in the province of Mauritania Caesarea, with a dangerous push towards Numidia and even the north of the Proconsular. It seems that the dissidence was generalized, including the very nearby Atlas Mitidjien and the capital Caesarea . These events would have lasted at least seven years, from 253 to 260 . It is in this context that Rusguniae appears in inscriptions from Auzia, revealing that two artisans of the Roman victory commanded the same unit of auxiliaries, the Equités Mauri, and simultaneously held the functions of decurion in the colonies of Auzia and Rusguniae .

A new period of alert quickly followed with the beginning of the “War of Firmus” in 372, where many cities of the coastal road were attacked. The accounts of the events, reported by Ammianus Marcellinus and confirmed by Saint Augustine, mention the submissions of Rusubbicari and Icosium, the failure of the rebellion before Tipasa, as well as the fall of the capital Caesarea and Cartennas . Rusubbicari and Icosium frame Rusguniae, so the city found itself, at a minimum, on the front line.

Generally, even in Mauritania, the fourth century was a period of renewal for the cities . It is very likely that the Labyrinth Baths were enlarged and embellished towards the end of the century . However, the best sources for these late periods come from religious life. Numerianus, the Catholic bishop of Rusguniae, attended a council in Carthage in 419 . At the beginning of the 5th century, around the years 400-429, Flavius Nubel, a former officer of the Armigeri iuniores, built a basilica to venerate a relic of the True Cross. The troop mentioned certainly belonged, as specified in the Notitia Dignitatum, to the army of Africa . Until then, Rusguniae was part of the Roman Empire, and it is probably at the same time, or a little earlier, that the first state of the great three-nave cathedral was erected .

It is not known whether the Vandals, during their advance to the east, occupied Rusguniae as they did for Caesarea and Tipasa. What is certain is that, contrary to what some have presumed, it was not ruined by the Vandals or the Goths . Once independent from the central Roman power, many cities of Mauritania Caesarea subsisted honorably, notably in the construction of churches, of which Rusguniae is an example. In 484, the list of bishoprics of Mauritania Caesarea still mentions a representative . However, it is certain that from this period, the municipal institutions underwent changes .

The Byzantines landed in Carthage in 533 and reorganized Africa by an edict of 534. They did not take control of the country to the west of Sitifis but retained some coastal positions, Rusguniae being one of these enclaves . This time, the administrator of the city seems to have combined military and civilian functions. Some funerary inscriptions reveal particular titles: a Flavius Ziper is mentioned as Tribunus Numeri Primorum Felicium Justinianorum, having held the function of agens tribunatu of Rusguniae for twelve years. The reference to the troop places this text in the 6th century . In the Byzantine rearrangement of the cathedral, four epitaphs mention a bishop Lucius, whose dating is uncertain , followed by Mauricius, Magister militum (a visibly local function), who died between the years 551 and 556. The epitaph of his daughter, Patricia, bears no date. His second daughter, Constantina, died in 605, and her epitaph lists the name and title of her father, specifying that he was the restorer of the basilica, which was itself in ruins. The reference to a previous devastation is not surprising, given the cyclical aggressions suffered by the Rusguniae region by neighboring mountaineers, if not during general turmoil. Several indications testify to these late periods.

Despite these repeated alerts, the city continued to assert its existence. The size of the late necropolises indicates that it was still populated, as evidenced by numerous indications . The cathedral was enlarged and embellished, the currency continued to circulate, and above all, maritime activity persisted. The impressive number of amphorae discovered cited above included all the African types used in the 6th and 7th centuries in the Western Mediterranean, with cargoes mainly composed of oil and brine .

The question of whether the fall of the Byzantines led to the oblivion of this period remains unanswered. This “obscured” period is poorly known. Muslim shards dating from the early Middle Ages have been discovered at sea. Arab geographers only refer to dying remains on the site. Their dismantling will begin. Algiers, triumphant, eliminates any neighboring presence.

In the 12th century, the Arab geographer Al-Idrīsī describes the ruins of Rusguniae as “[…] a small and ruined city. The walls of the enclosure are almost entirely overturned, the population is few; it is said that it was once a very large city and one still sees the remains of ancient constructions, temples, and stone columns.”

During the expedition against Algiers in October 1541, Charles V held a council of war among the ruins of the ancient Rusgunia . In the wake of this expedition, Marmol describes it as being an ancient city in splendor during the time of the Romans in whose port the ships of Algiers anchored. The author notes that its ruins were reused in the construction of Algiers. A contemporary Spanish chronicle reports “ancient houses, temples, and aqueducts which are numerous, large, and beautiful”, which seems unlikely given other contemporary descriptions. Shaw describes its ruins in 1757 and emphasizes that its remains were plundered for the construction of Algiers.

The proximity of Algiers, where urban development increased significantly during the Ottoman period (and even more so after the French conquest), dealt a fatal blow to this ancient city . It served as a quarry for many centuries, and today, modern constructions have partially covered its location.

In his description at the beginning of French colonization, Louis Adrien Berbrugger highlights the historical importance of Matifou, including Rusgunia, which would contain significant archaeological traces , notably Latin inscriptions and remains of ancient constructions. Elsewhere, Berbugger describes some vestiges of buildings once surrounding the Roman city of Rusgunia, such as walls and trenches of the rampart . The debris of an aqueduct and a water castle were also visible. Contrary to expectations, the vestiges do not present impressive rows of arcades, but rather a simple cement conduit, sometimes covered with thick tiles.

Plan of Rusguniae, adapted from Chardon

The most important epigraphic information concerning Rusguniae comes from three milestones placed at the second mile of the Roman road Rusguniae-Icosium, and which transcribe the complete titulature of the city : COL(onia) IUL(ia) PONTIF(?) CL(?) RUSG(uniae) IIIIV LEG(ionis) . The emperor Elagabal is honored on two of these milestones (martelés), which also refer to the title of ANTONINIANA (also martelé).

There has long been hesitation in proposing a valid interpretation of the enigmatic abbreviations PONTIF and CL (12). According to Salama , in the first case, reference would be made to the Grand Pontificate, held until 12 BC by Lepidus, even after his eviction. The Ninth Legion would therefore have originally belonged to Lepidus. Unfortunately, the abbreviation CL remains insoluble, Salama rejects the interpretations Claritas or Classica . The third inscription adds the qualifier GEMELLA , perhaps linked to legio VIIII Gemella remains enigmatic . However, it is known that it resulted, like many others, from the liberation of the legions of Antony, Octavian, and Lepidus, before the year 25 BC, the date of the restoration of the royal dynasty in favor of Juba II .

The excavations conducted by Chardon (1899-1900) offered perspectives on the Roman city of Rusguniae that subsequent destruction of the site no longer allows, cf. his plan of the site attached. Despite the losses caused by marine erosion, the remains revealed a basilica, baths, and numerous sepulchers, testifying to its crucial importance in the urban fabric of Roman-era North Africa. Founded by the Romans in a coastal area offering a strategic anchorage for their ships, Rusguniae illustrates the strategic value of this region, despite geographical challenges. Although partially engulfed by the sea and affected by earthquakes, the city still retained remarkable remains at the time of the excavations, a reality that contrasts with its current state.

The basilica, oriented from west to east , revealed a relatively simple architecture, characterized by walls of masonry blocks and dressed stones at the corners. Its dimensions extended over 34.80 meters in length and 20 meters in width, with an average thickness of 0.65 meters. Originally composed of three naves, the church had undergone alterations over time, notably during its renovation under Byzantine domination supervised by a certain Mauricius . The apse, raised by 0.95 meters, initially had a semi-circular shape and was flanked by two sacristies . Traces of staircases suggested access to the apse from each side of the building. The vault, severely damaged, revealed an interesting construction process, with the use of large jars filled with stones, large pebbles, and mortar .

Distinct architectural modifications testified to two phases of construction, a first characterized by more meticulous work, followed by a second marked by more rudimentary methods, probably due to the “barbarian invasions and civil wars” having affected the region. The restoration of the basilica by Mauricius (see below) had involved the use of recycled materials, notably columns and capitals from earlier pagan buildings.

The reconstructed basilica presented five naves, with columns reduced to fit the new configuration. Massive pillars, elaborate capitals, and a variety of architectural elements testified to the richness and diversity of the materials used. Fragments of votive steles and inscriptions offered a glimpse into the daily and spiritual life of the community frequenting this building.

The archaeological excavations had also revealed structural elements such as doors, staircases, niches, and buttresses , suggesting a complex use of the space around the basilica. Despite the damage suffered over the centuries, the architectural ensemble provided a fascinating window into the evolution of Christian architecture in North Africa.

Soundings carried out in the subsoil suggest that the basilica was erected on the remains of another Christian building from the 4th century, making this place of worship one of the oldest in Africa according to Chardon.

In the collaterals of the basilica, Chardon had discovered several sepulchers . To the right, near the diaconicum, was the tomb of a certain Mauricius, probably a high-ranking officer and perhaps the military governor of Rusguniae. The tomb, opened during the excavations, was composed of two rows of dressed stones covered with four large slabs. Inside, the mortar coating enveloped a complete skeleton. A strong smell of aromatics suggested a possible embalming , although this practice was rare among Christians. Near the skull, a small glass vial containing a brown deposit of holy oil from a martyr’s tomb had been found. No trace of a coffin had been detected.

Further down, on the same side, there were two other tombs, one marked with a simple cross of colored cubes embedded in the cement. The stones of this vault were collapsed, but copper and iron nails and debris from a wooden coffin had been recovered at the entrance. In accordance with Christian custom, the deceased were buried with their heads oriented towards the East, while the epitaphs were read from the same side . Along the left collaterals, three other tombs had been uncovered. In the first, facing the door leading to the baptistery, lay a bishop. The inscription, corresponding to the dimensions of the tomb, was made with black and white cubes fixed in fresh cement, without a mosaic bond between them.

Following the collapse of the cliff, the central part of the baths of Rusguniae had been cleared, revealing structures of the ancient bath complex . Among them, the hypocausts and the deambulatorium persisted, testifying to the advanced Roman design for baths. A room paved with fine mosaics had been uncovered, accompanied by terracotta lamps decorated with birds and horsemen, one of which bore the monogram of a manufacturer.

Near the cliff, a space paved with mosaic with a gutter for water drainage highlighted the sophistication of the hydraulic infrastructure . The walls of the baths, built of masonry with large blocks and reinforced with layers of red bricks, testified to their antiquity compared to other surrounding structures. Despite the damage caused by time, the baths subsisted partially, leaving open the possibility of additional discoveries.

The clearing of the church, in January 1900, was accelerated, perhaps by Chardon’s haste to quickly claim scientific ownership . Unfortunately, the excavation of the tombs, without precaution for the mosaics that surmounted them, led to their degradation. We do, however, have a record of these, which Noël reproduces.

The main panel, now exhibited at the Museum of Algiers, presents imposing dimensions (2.90 m x 2.30 m) . Officially titled “The Good Shepherd milking his sheep”, it is in poor condition, especially in the most iconographically interesting areas. Elements such as the contours and costume of the shepherd seem generally complete according to the aforementioned record. In the lower part of the panel, two confronted rams, separated by a flowering rose bush, are still complete. However, some parts, such as the hut in the upper left, are now only dark stains, and elements such as the shepherd carrying a lamb on his shoulders are largely damaged, leaving only fragmentary parts visible. Even the sheep being milked by another shepherd is incomplete, retaining only a few recognizable parts.

Another panel, preserved at the Louvre , shows a recumbent ram and a ewe accompanied by a lamb. Although precise descriptions are rare, this panel also appears to have suffered damage, with inaccuracies in the spatial representation of the animals. Three other small panels were initially planned in the same ensemble, although their final fate remains uncertain. They would probably have been kept by the owners of the estate. Finally, other fragments of the mosaic are dispersed, some remained in Algeria while others were transferred to France . These fragments present representations of sheep, fish, and perhaps even border elements. However, their current state and precise location remain difficult to determine.

In August 1943, a group of American soldiers, present as part of Operation Torch, was tasked with earthworks on the beach. The bulldozer encountered a small mound of earth along the beach, releasing an urn or earthenware vase, in which Roman coins were discovered .

This treasure, acquired in 1946 by the American Numismatic Society, consists of a total of one hundred and thirty sesterces, spanning a period of about one hundred and fifty years. Sixty-four of these coins date from the reigns of Nerva to Commodus, thus covering the end of the first century and the end of the second century, while the remaining sixty-six sesterces belong to the third century, from Septimius Severus to Trulia Soaemias .

Regarding the period of the burial of the treasure, it should be noted that the last emperor represented is Trajan Decius, reigning from autumn 249 AD until mid-251. Only two coins of Decius are present in the treasure. This suggests that the treasure was buried before its owner could acquire a large number of coins from this sovereign, and that Decius was still in power at the time of the burial. On this basis, it seems plausible to conclude that the treasure was buried in 250 AD, probably towards the end of the summer or the beginning of autumn .

Concerning the circumstances of the burial of the treasure, it is quite possible to consider that it could be linked to the period of persecution of Christians under the reign of Decius, between January and July 250, or even in the following months. However, without concrete elements, it is difficult to affirm with certainty the reasons for this concealment .

Rusguniae is an ancient archaeological site, located in the commune of El Marsa, in the wilaya of Alger, in Algeria.

Rusguniae is located in the northeast of the Bay of Algiers, opposite the city of Algiers, the ancient Icosium. The site is situated between the current Tamentfoust (formerly Laperouse) and Bordj-El-Bahri (“Cap Matifou”, although distinct from the eponymous cape that closes the Bay of Algiers to the east). Rusguniae was established along the shoreline. Today, practically no visible remains exist, due to the plundering of most ancient constructions and urban development that has covered the site, as well as the surrounding region.

Due to the rapid urbanization of recent decades, which has completely altered the natural landscape of the region, it is better to rely on the description provided by Berbrugger at the beginning of French colonization to better understand the geography of the region in its historical context. The Bay of Algiers and the Gulf of Bengüt, where Rusguniae is located, can be generally described as two semicircles touching at the maritime cape of Matifou, delimiting a well-defined territory. The nature, largely preserved in the early 19th century, seemed to isolate this region from surrounding areas. Only the Haraouas tribe (which gave its name to the eponymous city) resided there, exploiting the lands between the hills and the Mediterranean.

Gsell, at the beginning of the 20th century, records in his “Atlas archéologique de l’Algérie” (AAA) the archaeological traces known at his time. Among these, there is a marble statue of a woman near the abutments of a bridge over the Hamiz, as well as a bridge located on the Bouira, a tributary of the latter. Gsell reports, in what seems to be the current Ain el Beida (Zerzouria) a few kilometers from Rusguniae, a network of ancient canals, remains of constructions, and a quarry, considered Roman by Berbrugger. Only the quarry, identified as Maherzat, still exists today.

Further east, Gsell mentions at Djezair el Kodra (only the current Ain-Chorb, formerly Surcouf, east of Ain-Taya could correspond), an ancient islet now connected to the land by sand accumulation, where Berbrugger identified “rather extensive Roman ruins”, of which no trace remains either on the ground or in the literature. Near a source, Ain-Chorb or H’rob (translated as a doubtful “Wood and flee”), ancient remains were reported. Other ruins of lesser importance were identified at Réghaïa as well as the remains of a Roman camp on the Oued Boudaou . Further west, near the mouth of the Oued-el-Harrach, Gsell discusses the possibility of ruins of the city of Saça, although these have not yet been found . Finally, one kilometer from Maison-Carrée (now El-Harrach), a Libyan inscription was recorded , testifying to the ancient history of the region.

Since ancient times, the region has been inhabited, with reported discoveries of Mousterian and Neolithic artifacts at the cliffs of Cap Matifou .

Rusguniae, located in the northeast of the Bay of Algiers and housing the Punic base of Tamentfoust, derives its name from the expression “Cap du Francolin”. Berbrugger proposes that the name originates from a Berber word Latinized by the Romans, evoking the “cap of Sleep” or “cap of the sleepers”, in reference to a local interpretation of the very popular theme of the Seven Sleepers of Ephesus. Mouloud Mammeri suggests that Rusguniae is composed of two roots: one, rus Phoenician (the cap), and the other, agouni Berber (the cliff). According to another interpretation , Rusguniae is a toponym combining “Rus” for cap in Phoenician and “Guniae”, probably the Gunian of Yaggounen Berber .

Salama recalls that Rusguniae existed already at the end of the 4th century BC, while the foundation of Icosium cannot be dated earlier than the 2nd century BC. The process of Roman colonization at Rusguniae seems to indicate a competition, with continental rather than maritime interests. The Bay of Algiers offers access to the Mitidja plain and the Chelif valley, more easily accessible from Rusguniae than from Icosium. This, combined with the probably more important status of Icosium, may have led to the choice of Rusguniae for Roman settlement, thus avoiding direct competition.

Lancel lists Rusginiae among the Phoenician trading posts that “are spaced quite regularly every 30 or 40 km” along the Algerian coastline. It constituted one of the essential relay points for coastal shipping along the northern maritime facade of ancient Maghreb. The maritime empire of Carthage left no ruins. Salama emphasizes, however, “the exceptional abundance of mixed amphora fragments, dated between the 2nd century BC and the 7th century AD, proving[ing] a significant and continuous frequentation of the coastal site” . Moreover, about 100 Punic and Neo-Punic steles have been discovered in the region .

At the end of the civil wars of the late Republic, and due to an interregnum in the Mauritanian kingdom, Augustus methodically chose a certain number of coastal and sub-coastal positions to establish colonies of veterans, bases for future annexation of the territory. The colonization of Rusguniae by the legion IX Gemella preceded the year 27 AD. . The list of these colonies, already formulated in the documentation of Pliny the Elder , is easily verified thanks to epigraphic documents (see below).

Rusguniae retained a certain administrative autonomy in relation to the Mauritanian Kingdom until its annexation in 40 AD, . before integrating into the province of Caesarea . The Itinerary of Antoninus, dating from the end of the 2nd century, places it normally on the coastal road, with milestones testifying to permanent maintenance , as well as a mountain road leading to the region of Auzia accessible from the city.

The inhabitants of Rusguniae, descendants of Augustus’s veterans, were registered in the tribe Quirina. The institutions revealed the presence of decurions, aediles, duovirs, and duovirs quinquennales . Some citizens were also important figures, as evidenced by the history of L. Decius Honoratus, a decurion in the cities of Rusguniae and Tigava, who aided the population of Rusguniae during a famine in the year 164 .

For this first period of the city’s history, ceramic discoveries indicate abundant imports of Campanian pottery, from Arezzo, then from La Graufesenque, followed in the 2nd and 3rd centuries by African sigillata . The underwater discoveries of the same period are even more impressive . The maritime relations of Rusguniae with the entire Western Mediterranean are highlighted: the importation of Italian wines began in the 2nd-1st centuries BC, followed by that of garum and oil from Spain in the first and second centuries, then the same products from all the shores of the Proconsular. It should be noted that, although Rusguniae was only a developed anchorage and not a true constructed port, this did not affect local maritime activity .

Unfortunately, the city also faced difficult periods. Although the territorial extent of the “Moorish war” under Antoninus Pius remains undetermined, the indigenous revolt of the mid-3rd century, known as the “Insurrection of 253”, also profoundly disrupted the Rusguniae area. Epigraphic and numismatic data now allow for a better understanding of the theater of operations. The treasure of sesterces discovered in 1943 in the sandpit of Cap Matifou (see below), probably from a Roman villa located less than two miles west of the city , testifies to a near-general panic in the province of Mauritania Caesarea, with a dangerous push towards Numidia and even the north of the Proconsular. It seems that the dissidence was generalized, including the very nearby Atlas Mitidjien and the capital Caesarea . These events would have lasted at least seven years, from 253 to 260 . It is in this context that Rusguniae appears in inscriptions from Auzia, revealing that two artisans of the Roman victory commanded the same unit of auxiliaries, the Equités Mauri, and simultaneously held the functions of decurion in the colonies of Auzia and Rusguniae .

A new period of alert quickly followed with the beginning of the “War of Firmus” in 372, where many cities of the coastal road were attacked. The accounts of the events, reported by Ammianus Marcellinus and confirmed by Saint Augustine, mention the submissions of Rusubbicari and Icosium, the failure of the rebellion before Tipasa, as well as the fall of the capital Caesarea and Cartennas . Rusubbicari and Icosium frame Rusguniae, so the city found itself, at a minimum, on the front line.

Generally, even in Mauritania, the fourth century was a period of renewal for the cities . It is very likely that the Labyrinth Baths were enlarged and embellished towards the end of the century . However, the best sources for these late periods come from religious life. Numerianus, the Catholic bishop of Rusguniae, attended a council in Carthage in 419 . At the beginning of the 5th century, around the years 400-429, Flavius Nubel, a former officer of the Armigeri iuniores, built a basilica to venerate a relic of the True Cross. The troop mentioned certainly belonged, as specified in the Notitia Dignitatum, to the army of Africa . Until then, Rusguniae was part of the Roman Empire, and it is probably at the same time, or a little earlier, that the first state of the great three-nave cathedral was erected .

It is not known whether the Vandals, during their advance to the east, occupied Rusguniae as they did for Caesarea and Tipasa. What is certain is that, contrary to what some have presumed, it was not ruined by the Vandals or the Goths . Once independent from the central Roman power, many cities of Mauritania Caesarea subsisted honorably, notably in the construction of churches, of which Rusguniae is an example. In 484, the list of bishoprics of Mauritania Caesarea still mentions a representative . However, it is certain that from this period, the municipal institutions underwent changes .

The Byzantines landed in Carthage in 533 and reorganized Africa by an edict of 534. They did not take control of the country to the west of Sitifis but retained some coastal positions, Rusguniae being one of these enclaves . This time, the administrator of the city seems to have combined military and civilian functions. Some funerary inscriptions reveal particular titles: a Flavius Ziper is mentioned as Tribunus Numeri Primorum Felicium Justinianorum, having held the function of agens tribunatu of Rusguniae for twelve years. The reference to the troop places this text in the 6th century . In the Byzantine rearrangement of the cathedral, four epitaphs mention a bishop Lucius, whose dating is uncertain , followed by Mauricius, Magister militum (a visibly local function), who died between the years 551 and 556. The epitaph of his daughter, Patricia, bears no date. His second daughter, Constantina, died in 605, and her epitaph lists the name and title of her father, specifying that he was the restorer of the basilica, which was itself in ruins. The reference to a previous devastation is not surprising, given the cyclical aggressions suffered by the Rusguniae region by neighboring mountaineers, if not during general turmoil. Several indications testify to these late periods.

Despite these repeated alerts, the city continued to assert its existence. The size of the late necropolises indicates that it was still populated, as evidenced by numerous indications . The cathedral was enlarged and embellished, the currency continued to circulate, and above all, maritime activity persisted. The impressive number of amphorae discovered cited above included all the African types used in the 6th and 7th centuries in the Western Mediterranean, with cargoes mainly composed of oil and brine .

The question of whether the fall of the Byzantines led to the oblivion of this period remains unanswered. This “obscured” period is poorly known. Muslim shards dating from the early Middle Ages have been discovered at sea. Arab geographers only refer to dying remains on the site. Their dismantling will begin. Algiers, triumphant, eliminates any neighboring presence.

In the 12th century, the Arab geographer Al-Idrīsī describes the ruins of Rusguniae as “[…] a small and ruined city. The walls of the enclosure are almost entirely overturned, the population is few; it is said that it was once a very large city and one still sees the remains of ancient constructions, temples, and stone columns.”

During the expedition against Algiers in October 1541, Charles V held a council of war among the ruins of the ancient Rusgunia . In the wake of this expedition, Marmol describes it as being an ancient city in splendor during the time of the Romans in whose port the ships of Algiers anchored. The author notes that its ruins were reused in the construction of Algiers. A contemporary Spanish chronicle reports “ancient houses, temples, and aqueducts which are numerous, large, and beautiful”, which seems unlikely given other contemporary descriptions. Shaw describes its ruins in 1757 and emphasizes that its remains were plundered for the construction of Algiers.

The proximity of Algiers, where urban development increased significantly during the Ottoman period (and even more so after the French conquest), dealt a fatal blow to this ancient city . It served as a quarry for many centuries, and today, modern constructions have partially covered its location.

In his description at the beginning of French colonization, Louis Adrien Berbrugger highlights the historical importance of Matifou, including Rusgunia, which would contain significant archaeological traces , notably Latin inscriptions and remains of ancient constructions. Elsewhere, Berbugger describes some vestiges of buildings once surrounding the Roman city of Rusgunia, such as walls and trenches of the rampart . The debris of an aqueduct and a water castle were also visible. Contrary to expectations, the vestiges do not present impressive rows of arcades, but rather a simple cement conduit, sometimes covered with thick tiles.

Plan of Rusguniae, adapted from Chardon

The most important epigraphic information concerning Rusguniae comes from three milestones placed at the second mile of the Roman road Rusguniae-Icosium, and which transcribe the complete titulature of the city : COL(onia) IUL(ia) PONTIF(?) CL(?) RUSG(uniae) IIIIV LEG(ionis) . The emperor Elagabal is honored on two of these milestones (martelés), which also refer to the title of ANTONINIANA (also martelé).

There has long been hesitation in proposing a valid interpretation of the enigmatic abbreviations PONTIF and CL (12). According to Salama , in the first case, reference would be made to the Grand Pontificate, held until 12 BC by Lepidus, even after his eviction. The Ninth Legion would therefore have originally belonged to Lepidus. Unfortunately, the abbreviation CL remains insoluble, Salama rejects the interpretations Claritas or Classica . The third inscription adds the qualifier GEMELLA , perhaps linked to legio VIIII Gemella remains enigmatic . However, it is known that it resulted, like many others, from the liberation of the legions of Antony, Octavian, and Lepidus, before the year 25 BC, the date of the restoration of the royal dynasty in favor of Juba II .

The excavations conducted by Chardon (1899-1900) offered perspectives on the Roman city of Rusguniae that subsequent destruction of the site no longer allows, cf. his plan of the site attached. Despite the losses caused by marine erosion, the remains revealed a basilica, baths, and numerous sepulchers, testifying to its crucial importance in the urban fabric of Roman-era North Africa. Founded by the Romans in a coastal area offering a strategic anchorage for their ships, Rusguniae illustrates the strategic value of this region, despite geographical challenges. Although partially engulfed by the sea and affected by earthquakes, the city still retained remarkable remains at the time of the excavations, a reality that contrasts with its current state.

The basilica, oriented from west to east , revealed a relatively simple architecture, characterized by walls of masonry blocks and dressed stones at the corners. Its dimensions extended over 34.80 meters in length and 20 meters in width, with an average thickness of 0.65 meters. Originally composed of three naves, the church had undergone alterations over time, notably during its renovation under Byzantine domination supervised by a certain Mauricius . The apse, raised by 0.95 meters, initially had a semi-circular shape and was flanked by two sacristies . Traces of staircases suggested access to the apse from each side of the building. The vault, severely damaged, revealed an interesting construction process, with the use of large jars filled with stones, large pebbles, and mortar .

Distinct architectural modifications testified to two phases of construction, a first characterized by more meticulous work, followed by a second marked by more rudimentary methods, probably due to the “barbarian invasions and civil wars” having affected the region. The restoration of the basilica by Mauricius (see below) had involved the use of recycled materials, notably columns and capitals from earlier pagan buildings.

The reconstructed basilica presented five naves, with columns reduced to fit the new configuration. Massive pillars, elaborate capitals, and a variety of architectural elements testified to the richness and diversity of the materials used. Fragments of votive steles and inscriptions offered a glimpse into the daily and spiritual life of the community frequenting this building.

The archaeological excavations had also revealed structural elements such as doors, staircases, niches, and buttresses , suggesting a complex use of the space around the basilica. Despite the damage suffered over the centuries, the architectural ensemble provided a fascinating window into the evolution of Christian architecture in North Africa.

Soundings carried out in the subsoil suggest that the basilica was erected on the remains of another Christian building from the 4th century, making this place of worship one of the oldest in Africa according to Chardon.

In the collaterals of the basilica, Chardon had discovered several sepulchers . To the right, near the diaconicum, was the tomb of a certain Mauricius, probably a high-ranking officer and perhaps the military governor of Rusguniae. The tomb, opened during the excavations, was composed of two rows of dressed stones covered with four large slabs. Inside, the mortar coating enveloped a complete skeleton. A strong smell of aromatics suggested a possible embalming , although this practice was rare among Christians. Near the skull, a small glass vial containing a brown deposit of holy oil from a martyr’s tomb had been found. No trace of a coffin had been detected.

Further down, on the same side, there were two other tombs, one marked with a simple cross of colored cubes embedded in the cement. The stones of this vault were collapsed, but copper and iron nails and debris from a wooden coffin had been recovered at the entrance. In accordance with Christian custom, the deceased were buried with their heads oriented towards the East, while the epitaphs were read from the same side . Along the left collaterals, three other tombs had been uncovered. In the first, facing the door leading to the baptistery, lay a bishop. The inscription, corresponding to the dimensions of the tomb, was made with black and white cubes fixed in fresh cement, without a mosaic bond between them.

Following the collapse of the cliff, the central part of the baths of Rusguniae had been cleared, revealing structures of the ancient bath complex . Among them, the hypocausts and the deambulatorium persisted, testifying to the advanced Roman design for baths. A room paved with fine mosaics had been uncovered, accompanied by terracotta lamps decorated with birds and horsemen, one of which bore the monogram of a manufacturer.

Near the cliff, a space paved with mosaic with a gutter for water drainage highlighted the sophistication of the hydraulic infrastructure . The walls of the baths, built of masonry with large blocks and reinforced with layers of red bricks, testified to their antiquity compared to other surrounding structures. Despite the damage caused by time, the baths subsisted partially, leaving open the possibility of additional discoveries.

The clearing of the church, in January 1900, was accelerated, perhaps by Chardon’s haste to quickly claim scientific ownership . Unfortunately, the excavation of the tombs, without precaution for the mosaics that surmounted them, led to their degradation. We do, however, have a record of these, which Noël reproduces.

The main panel, now exhibited at the Museum of Algiers, presents imposing dimensions (2.90 m x 2.30 m) . Officially titled “The Good Shepherd milking his sheep”, it is in poor condition, especially in the most iconographically interesting areas. Elements such as the contours and costume of the shepherd seem generally complete according to the aforementioned record. In the lower part of the panel, two confronted rams, separated by a flowering rose bush, are still complete. However, some parts, such as the hut in the upper left, are now only dark stains, and elements such as the shepherd carrying a lamb on his shoulders are largely damaged, leaving only fragmentary parts visible. Even the sheep being milked by another shepherd is incomplete, retaining only a few recognizable parts.

Another panel, preserved at the Louvre , shows a recumbent ram and a ewe accompanied by a lamb. Although precise descriptions are rare, this panel also appears to have suffered damage, with inaccuracies in the spatial representation of the animals. Three other small panels were initially planned in the same ensemble, although their final fate remains uncertain. They would probably have been kept by the owners of the estate. Finally, other fragments of the mosaic are dispersed, some remained in Algeria while others were transferred to France . These fragments present representations of sheep, fish, and perhaps even border elements. However, their current state and precise location remain difficult to determine.

In August 1943, a group of American soldiers, present as part of Operation Torch, was tasked with earthworks on the beach. The bulldozer encountered a small mound of earth along the beach, releasing an urn or earthenware vase, in which Roman coins were discovered .

This treasure, acquired in 1946 by the American Numismatic Society, consists of a total of one hundred and thirty sesterces, spanning a period of about one hundred and fifty years. Sixty-four of these coins date from the reigns of Nerva to Commodus, thus covering the end of the first century and the end of the second century, while the remaining sixty-six sesterces belong to the third century, from Septimius Severus to Trulia Soaemias .

Regarding the period of the burial of the treasure, it should be noted that the last emperor represented is Trajan Decius, reigning from autumn 249 AD until mid-251. Only two coins of Decius are present in the treasure. This suggests that the treasure was buried before its owner could acquire a large number of coins from this sovereign, and that Decius was still in power at the time of the burial. On this basis, it seems plausible to conclude that the treasure was buried in 250 AD, probably towards the end of the summer or the beginning of autumn .

Concerning the circumstances of the burial of the treasure, it is quite possible to consider that it could be linked to the period of persecution of Christians under the reign of Decius, between January and July 250, or even in the following months. However, without concrete elements, it is difficult to affirm with certainty the reasons for this concealment .